Palestine is a climate justice issue

We are happy to share this article by Manal Shqair who is a founder of the Palestine COP 26 alliance.

Join the Scottish demonstration for Gaza – 1pm Saturday 2nd December – assemble on Regent Road – just up from Waterloo Place.

Human-induced climate change represents the biggest challenge and threat to living species and human existence. The climate crisis is deeply rooted in centuries of European colonialism intertwined with capitalism, which is rooted in white supremacy.  The exploitation of the planet and its resources, dehumanization of colonized people and obliteration of their cultures, knowledge and lifestyle have been the foundation of colonialism. Israeli colonization of Palestine is among the living examples of how colonialism and environmental degradation are intertwined. 

In the last two decades, the Gaza Strip has been facing severe effects of the climate crisis due to the inhumane Israeli blockade. With the incessant Israeli carpet bombing of Gaza since 7 October, the climate crisis is exacerbating threatening the lives of the 2.3 million people living there. According to the Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor, between October 7 and November 2, Israel dropped 25, 000 tons of explosives on the Gaza Strip, equivalent to two nuclear bombs.[1] Israeli excessive bombardment of the Gaza Strip has killed at least 13, 000, including at least 5, 500 children, and injured at least 30, 000 people.[2] Moreover, since October 7, Israel has been subjecting the territory to mass dehydration and starvation. The full extent of Israeli violence toll, including the resultant climate catastrophe is unclear yet. 

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Damage_in_Gaza_Strip_during_the_October_2023_-_07.jpg

Israel’s ability to dehydrate and starve 2.3 million people, half of them are children point to the decades-old Israeli policies and practices in terms of taking over and exploiting Palestinian natural resources, particularly land and water. For decades, before the assault on Gaza started, about 96% of Gaza’s water was unfit for human consumption due to Israeli siege and the acute power crisis. Israel has always denied Palestinians’ right to food sovereignty.[3] Since 2000, Israel has been gradually destroying Gaza’s agricultural land to establish buffer zones.[4]

In the occupied West Bank, Israel controls more than 87% of the Palestinian water resources and over 60% of fertile land in favor of illegal Israeli settlers, in an act of climate apartheid.  Several agrarian communities in the West Bank are facing increased Israeli settler violence under the protection of the Israeli army to force them from their land.[5] So far since October 7, 16 Palestinian herding communities have been expelled from their land thanks to intensifying Israeli settler and army violence.[6] The displacement of these communities is a threat to the environment that is shaped by their sustainable environmental stewardship. 

Palestinians are unable to adopt to and mitigate the climate crisis due to Israeli settler colonial policies, particularly the control of water and land. Simultaneously, Israel has been positing itself as an environmental steward and expert in agri-business, afforestation, water solutions and land efficiency. The Jewish National Fund (JNF) has been playing a key role in greenwashing Israeli apartheid settler colonialism. The JNF prides itself on planting millions of pine trees as an act of making ‘the desert bloom’ while in fact it has been a way to cover up destroyed Palestinian villages when Israel was created in 1948.  

The struggle of the Palestinian people for climate and environmental justice is inextricably linked to the struggle for self-determination. Climate movements in the UK and beyond should recognize the centrality of the Palestinian struggle to reclaim and liberate their land and resources to the struggle for a just energy and agricultural transition amid the exacerbating climate crisis. 

Support Palestine as a climate justice issue by:

  • Joining in the international call for an immediate ceasefire in the Gaza Strip and the provision of humanitarian aid, including water and food. 
  • Supporting the Stop the JNF campaign, which seeks to revoke the charitable status of the JNF in the UK, as well as expose it role in the colonization of Palestine. 
  • Adopting the BDS call for boycott, divestment and sanctions against Israel. 

[1] https://www.aljazeera.com/news/longform/2023/11/9/israel-attacks-on-gaza-weapons-and-scale-of-destruction

[2] https://www.aljazeera.com/news/liveblog/2023/11/19/israel-hamas-war-live-israel-attacked-two-schools-killing-

dozens#:~:text=At%20least%2013%2C000%20people%20have,on%20Gaza%20since%20October%207.

[3] https://www.newarab.com/features/israels-blockade-gaza-creates-environmental-crisis

[4] https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/israel-gaza-aerial-spraying-herbicides-near-palestinian-farmlands

[5] https://antigo.stopthewall.org/factsheet-cutting-lifeline-stop-annexation-palestinian-water

[6]https://www.btselem.org/video/20231113_community_of_khirbet_zanutah_south_hebron_hills_was_forcibly_transferred_under_cover_of_gaza_fighting#full

Why the world’s first flight powered entirely by sustainable aviation fuel is a green mirage

This article by Josh Moos and Gareth Dale was first published under a Creative Commons License in The Conversation on 28th November 2023

A Boeing 787 Dreamliner is set to take off from Heathrow on November 28 and head for JFK airport in New York, powered by so-called sustainable aviation fuel (SAF). According to its operator, Virgin Atlantic, the world’s “first 100% SAF flight” will mark “a historic moment in aviation’s roadmap to decarbonisation”.

Dreamliner https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Boeing_787-8_Dreamliner,_All_Nippon_Airways_-_ANA_AN2105773.jpg

It is proof of concept, we are led to believe, of the dawn of “guilt-free” flying. Unfortunately, we have been here before, and the results last time were anything but green. 

Based on our research into how wealth and power shape the environment, we argue that continued growth of the aviation sector, as with the economy in general, is incompatible with preventing runaway climate change. The technology currently being developed by the aviation industry has zero chance of changing that. And the fuels being used in Virgin’s latest experiment are not significantly more sustainable than those in its previous attempt.

Virgin’s sustainability initiative dates back to the 2000s, when British business magnate Richard Branson was at the helm. In 2008, to some fanfare, a Virgin aircraft flew from London to Amsterdam using a fuel derived in part from palm oil and coconuts. Technically, the mission was a success, but the sustainability claims were laughable.

To have fuelled that short hop with 100% coconut oil would have consumed 3 million coconuts. The entire global crop would supply Heathrow for only a few weeks — and it is one of 18,000 commercial airports worldwide. Following this stunt, Virgin gave up on coconut oil.

Virgin’s latest flight is simply a repeat of 2008. It’s a smoke-and-mirrors exercise to convince governments that SAF will enable aviation to continue its relentless growth on a sustainable basis – and in this, it is succeeding.

Even waste products aren’t sustainable

Virgin’s defence rests on the claim that its new SAF no longer comes exclusively from crops. It is blended with waste products. One of the main suppliers for Virgin’s transatlantic flight is Virent, an organisation based in Wisconsin. Virent makes SAF from conventional sugars such as corn, mixed with wood, agricultural waste and used cooking oil. 

As with coconuts, any crop grown for fuel competes with foodstuffs and pushes the agricultural frontier further into forests and peatlands, with large releases of carbon.

But what of the waste products? Surely reusing cooking oils offers a sustainable solution? Unfortunately, in a notoriously unregulated market, it seems not. 

Another of Virgin’s suppliers, Neste, collects cooking oils from sources worldwide, including McDonald’s restaurants in the Netherlands and food processing plants in California, Oregon and Washington. The US Department of Agriculture alleges that some trade in SAF feedstocks – including from Indonesia to Neste’s refinery in Singapore – may be “fraudulent”. 

Neste has denied the claim. But, even if its used cooking oil is entirely legitimate, there is still an allegation that palm oil from plantations responsible for tropical deforestation is being marketed as used cooking oil

Virgin Atlantic maintains that the SAF it uses is made entirely from used cooking oil. However, if the aviation industry bets big on used cooking oil, it is feared it will turbocharge tropical logging and the extermination of the orangutan and countless other endangered species.

The real kicker is that even if all used cooking oils were traceable and sustainably sourced, they are not scalable. The US collects around 600,000 tonnes of used cooking oil each year. If every last drop were diverted to SAFs, it would meet at most 1% of America’s current aviation demand. 

Capturing the White House

The problems of scalability, the competition of agricultural inputs with foodstuffs, forests and wildlife, and the carbon emissions that result from land use change are just three of the shortcomings that ensure SAFs will not be the magic bullet that the aviation industry would have us believe. Despite this, SAF fever has won over the White House. 

The Inflation Reduction Act set targets for SAF production at 3 billion gallons by 2030 and 35 billion by 2050. These targets are fantasies. But, to the extent that they are approached, they will only add to the pressure on food prices and wildlife.

That SAF is being touted so zealously attests to the shortage of alternative technologies. Battery-powered planes are viable but only as short-haul “flying taxis” that compete with ground transport. The other panacea, hydrogen, confronts colossal technological and infrastructural barriers, problems of scalability, competing uses, and environmental concerns

Tinkering with aircraft technology, such as engine size or wing shape has also faced diminishing returns. Efficiency improvements lag far behind the sector’s growth, which is why aviation emissions are still soaring.

Where do we go from here?

Ahead of the 2008 coconut-fuelled flight, Virgin’s chief executive Steve Ridgway explained its logic. He said the aviation industry needs “to be seen to be doing something”. Fifteen years on and the playbook remains the same. 

The Virgin Atlantic SAF flight promises to rescue the airline from the threat of climate change, allowing them and their passengers to “keep calm and carry on”. In buying into this fantasy, governments give themselves an excuse to avoid taking climate breakdown seriously – an emergency that requires radical action if the planet is to remain habitable for humans.

There is the potential to create a good life for all within planetary boundaries. But getting there requires clipping the wings of the aviation industry. 

This would begin, for short-haul, with ground-based alternatives. Within the US, many flights could be swiftly replaced by coach travel, and over a quarter of flights between EU destinations could be replaced by high-speed rail. For long-haul, the first step is demand management, which will expedite the use of virtual conferencing, marine transportation and other alternatives.

Developing alternatives would be practical, efficient and create jobs. And now is a good time to begin. Americans have been “falling out of love with flying” in recent years, in part due to large numbers of flight cancellations following bad weather, which is only likely to increase with climate breakdown. 

As the weather chaos worsens, the aviation industry will find it harder to shrug off its responsibility through PR stunts and greenwashed gimmickry.

Now new gas at Peterhead

SSE and Equinor plan to build a new gas-fired power station at Peterhead in Aberdeenshire.  The existing gas-fired power station in Peterhead is Scotland’s single biggest climate polluter.  Building the new plant will increase pollution levels.  

The so-called North Sea Transition deal between the UK and Scottish governments and the oil and gas industry is based on squeezing out every profitable drop of oil and gas from the North Sea.  The Peterhead plant is part of this strategy.  The investment that is planned should be directed into renewables.

The plan is up for approval by the Scottish government.  Tell your MSP that rather than more gas we need investment in renewables, in retrofitting, in public transport and in a clean energy smart grid.

Sign the petition by Friends of the Earth Scotland.

North Sea Transition

We were invited to contribute to a panel on North Sea Transition at the conference ‘Working for Climate Justice: trade unions in the front line against climate change’ at Toynbee Hall in East London on 27th of October.

Aberdeen – image by Pete Cannell CC0

Since we launched in the autumn of 2017 Scot.E3’s emphasis has been on building capacity for a worker led transition with a focus on workplace and community organising.   Arguing for the rapid phase out of North Sea Oil and Gas has formed a central part of our campaigning.  The Sea Change report, published in 2019, remains very relevant.  It shows how switching from oil and gas to wind and solar would create a big net increase in jobs in Scotland and failing to make this transition would mean that targets to cut carbon emissions would not be met.

It’s very important that the climate movement has embraced the significance of North Sea oil and gas and a just transition for workers in the fossil fuel industries.  That wasn’t so much the case in 2017.  But two critical and closely linked challenges remain:

  • How do we build a mass movement with powerful roots in every workplace and working-class community that pushes for the necessary changes?
  • How do we engage workers in the energy sector, who are very aware that change is needed, but have very little confidence that it will be socially just?

For more than fifty years the big oil and gas companies have used their operations in the UK sector of the North Sea to blaze a trail for what we have come to know as neoliberalism; establishing practices that have been copied and taken up internationally.  Outsourcing, multiple layers of subcontracting, anti-union policies and the use of blacklists.  At the same time the so-called free ‘market’ has been featherbedded by massive state subsidies which have exceeded taxation revenue.  

The onshore construction industry has been on the same journey.  In Scotland the Construction Rank and File group has grown a new network through taking the construction industry using direct action tactics, picketing sites, and building combative organisation from the ground up. Just under a year ago two Unite activists, working on the new high voltage transmission lines from the Moray Firth to central Scotland were sacked for their union activity just before Christmas.  However, after the Rank and File group picketed the main subcontractor and Scottish and Southern Energy they were reinstated with full back pay.  The group has been a consistent supporter of Scot.E3 and have very publicly advocated for the importance of building worker organisation to ensure that the energy transition is a just transition.  

Despite many analysts and some industry insiders warning that oil and gas is an increasingly risky investment global levels of investment are high and currently booming while the industry remains determined to squeeze as much oil and gas out as it can out of the North Sea.   Among Westminster’s policy turns there has been a consistent adherence to the North Sea transition deal which describes in broad terms how that it is to be achieved.  The Scottish Government and the offshore trade unions remain signed up to the ‘transition’ deal.  Pursuing this path means that investment in hydrogen and CCS is prioritised at the expense of renewables, condemning UK consumers to a high cost and uncertain future and undermining progress to a genuine energy transition.   There’s no evidence that big oil has any particular commitment to the North Sea, and they must know that hydrogen for domestic heating is hugely problematic, but they are very keen to stick with false solutions that are compatible with the existing infrastructure and networks of fossil capital.

The cost-of-living crisis isn’t over.  However, to date, the climate and workers movements have failed to nail the intimate connection between fuel and food poverty and the oil and gas industry.  Perhaps there’s a lesson here.  At a time when we face a drawn-out existential crisis there is a need for new ways of organising that bring unions and communities together in common understanding and common struggle.  There are some examples of what this might begin to look like. In Scotland Edinburgh Trade Unions in Communities provides an innovative model, while in France social movement trade unionism is having an impact.